Can Sir Keir Starmer revive the Labour Party? (Vol. 2)
Discussion
President Merkin said:
Wombat3 said:
I have no dog in the PE fight any more President Smug. Just happy to call out stupid f
kwittery when I see it.
Your figures are questionable to be polite about it.
Having been a fee payer I can guarantee that more than 3-7% of parents paying fees will not survive a 20% increase. e.
Talking of stupid f
Your figures are questionable to be polite about it.
Having been a fee payer I can guarantee that more than 3-7% of parents paying fees will not survive a 20% increase. e.

And to quote him directly
"Our best judgement is that it would be reasonable to assume that an effective VAT rate of 15% would lead to a 3–7% reduction in private school attendance. "
So its an assumption based on an estimate, based on a net VAT rate of 15%, (with no supporting evidence visible).
He also goes on to state that "There is still lots of uncertainty around these estimates"
....but you would have us believe they are Gospel?
He also states: "As can be seen, our assumed elasticity range of 0.2–0.5 would generate falls of about 20,000–40,000. If the true elasticity is larger, then the fall in attendance would clearly be larger. Any falls would be spread over time, rather than happening immediately.
The key word is "assumed" - pick a figure, any figure.
I'd also take issue with his notion that numbers will fall gradually over time. He seems to fail to allow for decisions being made now as to whether pupils enter the sector at all or whether they leave the sector earlier than originally planned at natural break points when otherwise they might not have.
A final humdinger that I picked out was this:
"Tax revenues are unlikely to change if pupils switch to the state sector as a result of any rise in post-tax fees. This is because any money saved on private school fees would likely be spent on other goods and services, with any reduction in VAT revenues from private school fees effectively cancelled out by increased revenues from VAT on other goods and services. "
A massive assumption. Personally I'd be sticking most of it in my pension (and claiming some more tax relief).
Finally, this report only addresses theoretical issues relating to tax revenues and its theoretical effects on pupil numbers. Its assumptions appear to be more or less linear.
It also makes no mention of the economic and social impacts of related unemployment/redundancy because it makes no reference to the sustainability or viability of schools that might lose even 7% of their headcount. When schools become non-viable, what happens to the staff and the remaining pupils in that school? 7% dropping out because they can't afford the fees may cause 100% to need to find a new school and 100% of staff looking for new jobs.
It also does not reference effects on educational standards or the disruption to the education of thousands of children through the transitional period and what the long term costs of those things might be.
It is therefore an incomplete work full of caveats and estimates and not one I would base anything on - but clearly it suits your ill-informed narrative.
What's also "classic" is defending a policy that has highly questionable outcomes based on (apparently) no direct experience and dogma.
I'm happy to stand by the assertion that it is f

As you say, too easy.
Wombat3 said:
When you based your argument on them they became "your" figures.
And to quote him directly
"Our best judgement is that it would be reasonable to assume that an effective VAT rate of 15% would lead to a 3–7% reduction in private school attendance. "
So its an assumption based on an estimate, based on a net VAT rate of 15%, (with no supporting evidence visible).
He also goes on to state that "There is still lots of uncertainty around these estimates"
....but you would have us believe they are Gospel?
He also states: "As can be seen, our assumed elasticity range of 0.2–0.5 would generate falls of about 20,000–40,000. If the true elasticity is larger, then the fall in attendance would clearly be larger. Any falls would be spread over time, rather than happening immediately.
The key word is "assumed" - pick a figure, any figure.
I'd also take issue with his notion that numbers will fall gradually over time. He seems to fail to allow for decisions being made now as to whether pupils enter the sector at all or whether they leave the sector earlier than originally planned at natural break points when otherwise they might not have.
A final humdinger that I picked out was this:
"Tax revenues are unlikely to change if pupils switch to the state sector as a result of any rise in post-tax fees. This is because any money saved on private school fees would likely be spent on other goods and services, with any reduction in VAT revenues from private school fees effectively cancelled out by increased revenues from VAT on other goods and services. "
A massive assumption. Personally I'd be sticking most of it in my pension (and claiming some more tax relief).
Finally, this report only addresses theoretical issues relating to tax revenues and its theoretical effects on pupil numbers. Its assumptions appear to be more or less linear.
It also makes no mention of the economic and social impacts of related unemployment/redundancy because it makes no reference to the sustainability or viability of schools that might lose even 7% of their headcount. When schools become non-viable, what happens to the staff and the remaining pupils in that school? 7% dropping out because they can't afford the fees may cause 100% to need to find a new school and 100% of staff looking for new jobs.
It also does not reference effects on educational standards or the disruption to the education of thousands of children through the transitional period and what the long term costs of those things might be.
It is therefore an incomplete work full of caveats and estimates and not one I would base anything on - but clearly it suits your ill-informed narrative.
What's also "classic" is defending a policy that has highly questionable outcomes based on (apparently) no direct experience and dogma.
I'm happy to stand by the assertion that it is f
kwittery of the highest order.
As you say, too easy.
The difficulty in these assumptions is how long the effects take to become clear.And to quote him directly
"Our best judgement is that it would be reasonable to assume that an effective VAT rate of 15% would lead to a 3–7% reduction in private school attendance. "
So its an assumption based on an estimate, based on a net VAT rate of 15%, (with no supporting evidence visible).
He also goes on to state that "There is still lots of uncertainty around these estimates"
....but you would have us believe they are Gospel?
He also states: "As can be seen, our assumed elasticity range of 0.2–0.5 would generate falls of about 20,000–40,000. If the true elasticity is larger, then the fall in attendance would clearly be larger. Any falls would be spread over time, rather than happening immediately.
The key word is "assumed" - pick a figure, any figure.
I'd also take issue with his notion that numbers will fall gradually over time. He seems to fail to allow for decisions being made now as to whether pupils enter the sector at all or whether they leave the sector earlier than originally planned at natural break points when otherwise they might not have.
A final humdinger that I picked out was this:
"Tax revenues are unlikely to change if pupils switch to the state sector as a result of any rise in post-tax fees. This is because any money saved on private school fees would likely be spent on other goods and services, with any reduction in VAT revenues from private school fees effectively cancelled out by increased revenues from VAT on other goods and services. "
A massive assumption. Personally I'd be sticking most of it in my pension (and claiming some more tax relief).
Finally, this report only addresses theoretical issues relating to tax revenues and its theoretical effects on pupil numbers. Its assumptions appear to be more or less linear.
It also makes no mention of the economic and social impacts of related unemployment/redundancy because it makes no reference to the sustainability or viability of schools that might lose even 7% of their headcount. When schools become non-viable, what happens to the staff and the remaining pupils in that school? 7% dropping out because they can't afford the fees may cause 100% to need to find a new school and 100% of staff looking for new jobs.
It also does not reference effects on educational standards or the disruption to the education of thousands of children through the transitional period and what the long term costs of those things might be.
It is therefore an incomplete work full of caveats and estimates and not one I would base anything on - but clearly it suits your ill-informed narrative.
What's also "classic" is defending a policy that has highly questionable outcomes based on (apparently) no direct experience and dogma.
I'm happy to stand by the assertion that it is f

As you say, too easy.
I have two children in private school. Adding 20% will cost me around £9k per year from taxed income. That's an extra £750/month, on top of existing fees which are not cheap.
My children are teenagers, so by the time the policy is enacted, I'll have to suck it up, rather than risk disrupting my children's education.
However, if I was doing it all again, I might be tempted to move house to get a more ideal state school choice. And then supplement whatever the state school provides with private tutoring. My brother has three children and that is exactly what he did when his children were young. Saved himself a small fortune vs the equivalent private school fees. I think many other parents will make similar decisions, which will drive up house prices in those locations.
So I think in the short term, Starmer will be able to show the policy raises what he expects. Long term, I suspect not. But this isn't about funding for state schools; it's the politics of envy.
EddieSteadyGo said:
The difficulty in these assumptions is how long the effects take to become clear.
I have two children in private school. Adding 20% will cost me around £9k per year from taxed income. That's an extra £750/month, on top of existing fees which are not cheap.
My children are teenagers, so by the time the policy is enacted, I'll have to suck it up, rather than risk disrupting my children's education.
However, if I was doing it all again, I might be tempted to move house to get a more ideal state school choice. And then supplement whatever the state school provides with private tutoring. My brother has three children and that is exactly what he did when his children were young. Saved himself a small fortune vs the equivalent private school fees. I think many other parents will make similar decisions, which will drive up house prices in those locations.
So I think in the short term, Starmer will be able to show the policy raises what he expects. Long term, I suspect not. But this isn't about funding for state schools; it's the politics of envy.
Points well made. I have two children in private school. Adding 20% will cost me around £9k per year from taxed income. That's an extra £750/month, on top of existing fees which are not cheap.
My children are teenagers, so by the time the policy is enacted, I'll have to suck it up, rather than risk disrupting my children's education.
However, if I was doing it all again, I might be tempted to move house to get a more ideal state school choice. And then supplement whatever the state school provides with private tutoring. My brother has three children and that is exactly what he did when his children were young. Saved himself a small fortune vs the equivalent private school fees. I think many other parents will make similar decisions, which will drive up house prices in those locations.
So I think in the short term, Starmer will be able to show the policy raises what he expects. Long term, I suspect not. But this isn't about funding for state schools; it's the politics of envy.
While its not too difficult to count the number of kids that leave the sector immediately because parents can no longer afford the fees, its somewhat more difficult to determine the numbers of those that will duck out earlier than originally planned (at say the transition fo 6th form) and impossible to measure the number of those that decide never to start.
Its a snowball which, I suspect, will move much faster than they imagine (in terms of some schools becoming non-viable).
Some effect will be felt before Labour even get into Government with reduced applications for this September's intake. The shortfall in those numbers will never be recovered. They are messing with a relatively fragile eco system and they appear to not even know it.
And as you say, the wider effects on things like house prices in some areas (pricing other people out of houses and school catchment areas) does not even figure in their equation.
...and then the biggest joke is that (unless they ban it altogether) the overall effect will just be to make private education even more elitest whilst also depriving some state sector kids access to facilities which may no longer be available to them (because the private schools either close or choose not to make facilities available any more).
The laws of unintended consequences at work. Classic Labour politics.
Cobracc said:
Wombat3 said:
I have no dog in the PE fight any more President Smug. Just happy to call out stupid f
kwittery when I see it.
Your figures are questionable to be polite about it.
Having been a fee payer I can guarantee that more than 3-7% of parents paying fees will not survive a 20% increase. Beyond that parents are already making decisions about whether they even start in the sector (thus damaging the next intake), or indeed whether they continue beyond the next natural break. It is also well documented that roughly 10% is the tipping point for a lot of smaller schools. The ramifications of school closures affect all pupils in those schools.
This is a domino topple that will rapidly escalate, get out of control and go far beyond what the short sighted dimwits in the Labour Party can evidently even conceive of.
As above, I have no personal interest in this, if it was a good idea from a point of revenue or educational standards it would be very difficult to justify an argument against it. Instead it's just what it says on the tin, the ill thought out politics of envy and the effects will be irreversible.
Why don't they just work harder or get a better job...?
Your figures are questionable to be polite about it.
Having been a fee payer I can guarantee that more than 3-7% of parents paying fees will not survive a 20% increase. Beyond that parents are already making decisions about whether they even start in the sector (thus damaging the next intake), or indeed whether they continue beyond the next natural break. It is also well documented that roughly 10% is the tipping point for a lot of smaller schools. The ramifications of school closures affect all pupils in those schools.
This is a domino topple that will rapidly escalate, get out of control and go far beyond what the short sighted dimwits in the Labour Party can evidently even conceive of.
As above, I have no personal interest in this, if it was a good idea from a point of revenue or educational standards it would be very difficult to justify an argument against it. Instead it's just what it says on the tin, the ill thought out politics of envy and the effects will be irreversible.
Wombat3 said:
When you based your argument on them they became "your" figures.
And to quote him directly
"Our best judgement is that it would be reasonable to assume that an effective VAT rate of 15% would lead to a 3–7% reduction in private school attendance. "
So its an assumption based on an estimate, based on a net VAT rate of 15%, (with no supporting evidence visible).
He also goes on to state that "There is still lots of uncertainty around these estimates"
....but you would have us believe they are Gospel?
He also states: "As can be seen, our assumed elasticity range of 0.2–0.5 would generate falls of about 20,000–40,000. If the true elasticity is larger, then the fall in attendance would clearly be larger. Any falls would be spread over time, rather than happening immediately.
The key word is "assumed" - pick a figure, any figure.
I'd also take issue with his notion that numbers will fall gradually over time. He seems to fail to allow for decisions being made now as to whether pupils enter the sector at all or whether they leave the sector earlier than originally planned at natural break points when otherwise they might not have.
A final humdinger that I picked out was this:
"Tax revenues are unlikely to change if pupils switch to the state sector as a result of any rise in post-tax fees. This is because any money saved on private school fees would likely be spent on other goods and services, with any reduction in VAT revenues from private school fees effectively cancelled out by increased revenues from VAT on other goods and services. "
A massive assumption. Personally I'd be sticking most of it in my pension (and claiming some more tax relief).
Finally, this report only addresses theoretical issues relating to tax revenues and its theoretical effects on pupil numbers. Its assumptions appear to be more or less linear.
It also makes no mention of the economic and social impacts of related unemployment/redundancy because it makes no reference to the sustainability or viability of schools that might lose even 7% of their headcount. When schools become non-viable, what happens to the staff and the remaining pupils in that school? 7% dropping out because they can't afford the fees may cause 100% to need to find a new school and 100% of staff looking for new jobs.
It also does not reference effects on educational standards or the disruption to the education of thousands of children through the transitional period and what the long term costs of those things might be.
It is therefore an incomplete work full of caveats and estimates and not one I would base anything on - but clearly it suits your ill-informed narrative.
What's also "classic" is defending a policy that has highly questionable outcomes based on (apparently) no direct experience and dogma.
I'm happy to stand by the assertion that it is f
kwittery of the highest order.
As you say, too easy.
Combing through an IFS report at 11pm on a Thursday night belies your prior assertion that you don't have a dog in the fight, wouldn't you agree?And to quote him directly
"Our best judgement is that it would be reasonable to assume that an effective VAT rate of 15% would lead to a 3–7% reduction in private school attendance. "
So its an assumption based on an estimate, based on a net VAT rate of 15%, (with no supporting evidence visible).
He also goes on to state that "There is still lots of uncertainty around these estimates"
....but you would have us believe they are Gospel?
He also states: "As can be seen, our assumed elasticity range of 0.2–0.5 would generate falls of about 20,000–40,000. If the true elasticity is larger, then the fall in attendance would clearly be larger. Any falls would be spread over time, rather than happening immediately.
The key word is "assumed" - pick a figure, any figure.
I'd also take issue with his notion that numbers will fall gradually over time. He seems to fail to allow for decisions being made now as to whether pupils enter the sector at all or whether they leave the sector earlier than originally planned at natural break points when otherwise they might not have.
A final humdinger that I picked out was this:
"Tax revenues are unlikely to change if pupils switch to the state sector as a result of any rise in post-tax fees. This is because any money saved on private school fees would likely be spent on other goods and services, with any reduction in VAT revenues from private school fees effectively cancelled out by increased revenues from VAT on other goods and services. "
A massive assumption. Personally I'd be sticking most of it in my pension (and claiming some more tax relief).
Finally, this report only addresses theoretical issues relating to tax revenues and its theoretical effects on pupil numbers. Its assumptions appear to be more or less linear.
It also makes no mention of the economic and social impacts of related unemployment/redundancy because it makes no reference to the sustainability or viability of schools that might lose even 7% of their headcount. When schools become non-viable, what happens to the staff and the remaining pupils in that school? 7% dropping out because they can't afford the fees may cause 100% to need to find a new school and 100% of staff looking for new jobs.
It also does not reference effects on educational standards or the disruption to the education of thousands of children through the transitional period and what the long term costs of those things might be.
It is therefore an incomplete work full of caveats and estimates and not one I would base anything on - but clearly it suits your ill-informed narrative.
What's also "classic" is defending a policy that has highly questionable outcomes based on (apparently) no direct experience and dogma.
I'm happy to stand by the assertion that it is f

As you say, too easy.
As ever with you, the slipperiness is off the charts. In this case, it's deployed in two ways. One is to latch on to the IFS's observation that their data is limited (well duh, the vat exemption has been in place for over 50 years) and use that to characterise it heavily as guesswork & then later to rely on it to make the same point again. Your sins of omission are amusing too, Cherry picking lines from a report you've denigrated as guessing is classic bad faith. Great example here:
"Our best judgement is that it would be reasonable to assume that an effective VAT rate of 15% would lead to a 3–7% reduction in private school attendance. This would likely generate a need for about £100–300 million in extra school spending per year in the medium to long run."
Odd you should omit the last sentence, I can only assume you did so because it undermines the whole edifice of your own flowering, foundation free argument veering of into vague fluffery on social & economic impacts.
In the end, you're free to denigrate the IFS but it's typical of the right to do so. One observable manifestation of the populism wrecking this country is a freewheeling willingness to trash institutions. Doesn't matter who, judges, NHS, National Trust. the BBC, IFS, anyone contradicting the ideology is fair game. But if you're going to do it in this context, then it's for you to offer countervailing evidence which probably needs to be a little heftier than 'I'd stick it in my pension & claim tax relief'. And Tufton street stink tanks are a bad idea.
And floating above all of that is the reality that we're still talking about a complete non issue in the scheme of things. It's a tiny proportion of people affected, the electorate if it notices at all won't have it anywhere near their list of priorities & private schools remain an engine of discrimination,
Just 7% of children are privately educated but they make up 74% of judges, over 50% of print journalists, 80% of leading editors, 60% of senior civil servants, a majority of BAFTA winners. They act as a conveyor belt, creaming off the most sought after jobs to a tiny percentage of people, shutting out the majority who lack those disproportionately affluent advantages. That compunds negative outcomes for the majority & does it at a discount. It's wrong in principle that those schools should confer disproportionate benefit whilst accruing the tax benefits of charities.
Finland effectively abolished private education decades ago. It made the clearly correct assumption that, if the rich and powerful knew their own children were likely to attend state-maintained schools, they would be keen to ensure that such schools were well funded. Finland is among Europe’s most educationally successful countries. Therein lies a truism, you're either in society or you aren't. Perpetuating social division for personal advantage gives a clear answer where some stand.
S600BSB said:
What’s Blockbuster?
It was a TV Gameshow hosted by Bob Holness. It was quite good Bob Holness actually voiced the character of James Bond on a radio version of Moonraker some years before Sean Connery took the role in the films.
A lot of people are surprised at that. Just as a lot of people will be surprised when Keir channels his "inner Bond" if and when he becomes PM.
I suspect there is a steely side to Keir that will deal with people that get in the way
anonymoususer said:
S600BSB said:
What’s Blockbuster?
It was a TV Gameshow hosted by Bob Holness. It was quite good Bob Holness actually voiced the character of James Bond on a radio version of Moonraker some years before Sean Connery took the role in the films.
A lot of people are surprised at that. Just as a lot of people will be surprised when Keir channels his "inner Bond" if and when he becomes PM.
I suspect there is a steely side to Keir that will deal with people that get in the way
He didn't...
President Merkin said:
Finland effectively abolished private education decades ago. It made the clearly correct assumption that, if the rich and powerful knew their own children were likely to attend state-maintained schools, they would be keen to ensure that such schools were well funded. Finland is among Europe’s most educationally successful countries. Therein lies a truism, you're either in society or you aren't. Perpetuating social division for personal advantage gives a clear answer where some stand.
More likely the parents with sharp elbows will lobby teachers and governors to prioritise things that are useful to their children, which already happens here. I think it is dangerous to pick a single policy in another country and say 1) that is the majority of the cause of why they are successful / not successful and 2) that if we transplant that policy into our society with our economy, history and demography then it will automatically work.
Some other things that the Finns do (which private schools here do):
Small class sizes
Teaching is respected profession so you get the best candidates
A culture of learning at home as well as at school (compare to England where a quarter of children entering school are not potty trained and a fifth of parents think it isn't their job to do it https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/pr...
On the claim that Finland have the best education system: In the 2022 PISA rankings, the UK was ahead of Finland in reading and maths (but behind in science).
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